Author’s Views: Discussing about the issue of parity and Jinnah’s opposition to various modifications and invitations sent directly to the Muslim Leaders by the Government etc, the author states that Jinnah even at that stage did not refuse to participate in the interim government.
Comments: In the same page (373), the author states, on 19 Jun 1946 he raised the issue again with Wavell. He objected to change in the composition. Though he was fully authorized by the Working Committee of the League to take any decision as he deemed fit, he raised the sham of referring the matter before the Working Committee. He objected to the way the Viceroy sent invitations directly to the Muslim Leaguers to join the interim government. He objected to the nomination of Mr. Jagjivan Ram by the Congress. Still the author wants the readers to believe that Jinnah did not refuse to participate in the government though he was making it very clear that in case he did not have his way, he would not agree to participate.
Page 373: The author states that the letter of the Congress President to the Viceroy, and the resolution of the Congress Working Committee, of June 25, 1946 actually confused the matter. He concludes that the game of one-upmanship had become destructive. The author goes on to give some excerpts though later on says summarizing them or making an outline of them would be full of incalculable danger!
Comments: The author gives the impression that the matter became complex due to one-up man ship of the Congress and secondly due to the (valid) points raised by the Congress to reiterate its policy that they are free to decide whom to delegate and thirdly due to the the reported refusal of the Viceroy to accept a Congress Muslim member among the representatives of the Congress. The Viceroy had earlier assured that he could not accept the right of the Congress to object to names put forward by the Muslim league any more than he would accept similar objections from the other side. For argument sake, if we assume that a non congress scheduled caste member later switches his allegiance/ support to Congress after the formation of the interim government what would happen? Would he say “I will not resign since I am appointed by the Viceroy, though now I have switched my loyalty to Congress?” Or was it that Mr. Jinnah wanted a man of his choice to represent the scheduled castes also?
We have to remember that Mr. Jinnah had already made up his mind. He was apprehensive that once he agrees to the formation and functioning of the constitution making body, the realization of Pakistan would recede to a later date. It is therefore not out of place when the Secretary of State accused Jinnah of sabotaging the prospects for an interim government, laying the blame on Jinnah for publishing his letter to Wavell of 19 Jun. (Page 376) Had it not been published neither the Congress President would have written the letter nor the Congress Working Committee would have sent the resolution. While that was the case, the author blaming the Congress for confounding the problem is baseless.
Page 377: The author states to the effect that due to the Cabinet Mission’s refusal to invite the Muslim League alone to form the interim government, communal rioting in an ugly form again broke out in Ahmedabad.
Comments: How could the Cabinet Mission invite only Muslim League to form the interim government? The Mission tried its level best to accommodate, as much as it could, the demands of Mr. Jinnah so that the interests of the Muslim League were adequately guaranteed. But as said before the fear of the League lay elsewhere. The fear of the unknown as to how the constitution will take shape. Mr. Jinnah was always insisting on drafting two different bodies for evolving two different Constitutions, one for the Muslims and the other for others. He was perhaps apprehensive whether his aim of the carving out a sovereign state of Pakistan will fructify in the near future. His health was already deteriorating.
Page 378: Commenting on the Press Conference of Jawaharlal Nehru of 10 July 1946 and its after effects, the author says that it is difficult to believe that Nehru would not have anticipated what the fall out of such conference or his interviews could be.
Comments: Is it not equally difficult to give the benefit of doubt to Mr. Jinnah for not having known in advance what, the fall out will be of his releasing to the press his letter to Wavell of 19 June. Irrespective what Azad commented on Nehru’s interview and what Patel said of Nehru’s emotional immaturity (page 380- 381), Nehru’s interview gave a reasoning and an opportunity for Mr. Jinnah to refuse co-operation. The fact remains that it took another two months (2nd September 1946 to be precise) for the announcement of the appointment of the new council. In the interim, Nehru in his capacity as the President of the Congress wrote to Jinnah, suggesting a coalition government. (Notwithstanding the author appreciating of Wavell’s objectivity to have termed the Congress acquiescence as a dishonest acceptance Page 377). Jinnah replied that “ that the Wardha resolution of the Congress of 8 August 1946 does not call for a revision of the League decision.” In effect it was either we alone or whom we nominate and accept as members of the interim Government or we boycott!!! That is the crux of Jinnah’s stand, which the readers must appreciate.
In spite of the assurance that the British Government would adhere to the Cabinet Mission plan of 16 May, given in the British parliament on 18 July, the Muslim League Council in Bombay on 27 July 1946 reiterated the demand for Pakistan and declared August 16 as "Direct Action "day. Does the author still wants us to beleive that Jinnah did not refuse to participate in the interim government?
No comments:
Post a Comment